The Nigerian Police Force and Brutality: A Legacy of Colonialism

The concept of policing is as old as time itself. Policing has been central to the development and protection of societies; as time elapsed and societies grew more formal policing institutions were created, examples being the Police or Military Forces. What we understand as the police can be described as the civil force of a nation tasked with the duty to protect and serve. That being said many of these institutions have failed at this task, the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) is a notorious example. The NPF is known for its harassment and brutalisation of the citizens of Nigeria. In this essay, I will be looking to understand the link between police brutality, violence within the Nigerian Police Force and colonialism in Nigeria. Has the former colonial police structure influenced the brutality and violence the present-day police force exerts in Nigeria?

Colonialism in Nigeria

Colonialism can be loosely defined as the practice or policy of one country, exerting full or partial control over another group of people or territory; usually in the search for economic gain. As colonization occurs, the colonized group is forced to adopt the practices, culture, and even the religion of its colonisers. European states used colonisation as a means to grow their empires and amass wealth, through restricted trade with their colonies. As time elapsed and the social advancements occurred, the empires found the need to increase their involvement in the colonies. This was done through an indirect involvement in the local politics and the appearance of missionaries; this approach greatly aided the spread of their religion, cultures, and practices, making conquering an easier task. Colonisation occurs in various forms, namely; settler colonialism, exploitation colonialism, internal colonialism and surrogate colonialism. In the case of Nigeria and many other African states, the British Empire used exploitation colonialism. This form of colonialism involved fewer colonists, as the main focus was the ruthless exploitation of the region’s natural resources and human labour force.

The Europeans gained influence in the western region of Africa, in the early 1600s, through the transatlantic slave trade, due to this British slave traders had a heavy presence in the region. These slave traders did not represent the United Kingdom, as an empire, it was in the early 1800s that the empire took control of the region. This was done through the 1807 Slave Trade Act backed by the Christian missionaries, that prohibited British nationals from partaking in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. The hope of this was to increase “legitimate” commerce and their influence in the region through the spread of their religion. But as slavery faded out, a new source of income was needed for the Europeans and this is what sparked the exploration of the agricultural sector in Africa. In 1855 Britain growing interest in the region became more glaring to her other European counterparts, this brought about the Berlin Conference (“the Scramble for Africa”) , a meeting to regulate European colonization and trade in Africa, without the input of the people in question. To deepen their influence in the region, the British individuals set up several companies across the territories that focused on the trade of natural resources between the empire and the region. The Royal Niger Company and Oil Rivers Protectorate are examples of these companies. As time elapsed the companies were absolved by the British government and the territories came under the direct rule of the British Empires. Nigeria is one of the territories.

Nigeria is a partially landlocked country in West Africa, bordering Benin, Chad, Niger and Cameroon. Similar to most African countries Nigeria is extremely diverse, ethnically, religiously and linguistically; there are about 250 ethnicities and over 500 languages spoken in the country. The main tribes and languages being Igbo, Hausa and Yoruba; with English as the official language of the country due to its colonial past. On the 1st of January 1901, Nigeria came under the direct rule of the British empire, divided into the Northern and Southern protectorate and the Lagos colony. It is important to note that these companies were set up and territories formed through violence and oppression, perpetrated by individuals and the armed forces of the British Empire. Traditional rulers were overthrown, and new leaders imposed on the locals by the British Empire. Many wars were fought, and lives lost to gain control of the territory, examples are the Benin War, the Anglo-Aro Wars and the battle of the Sokoto Caliphate . In 1914 the British officially amalgamated the protectorates creating what is now known as Nigeria, the empire operated an indirect rule in the colony; governing the people through their traditional leaders and the various political institutions they had in place. In addition to this, the empire also left British political officials to oversee the provinces carved out in the various protectorates. These institutions, local leaders and their subjects were moulded to emulate what was in place in the Empire. These systems and their enforcers served as intermediaries between the people of Nigeria and the Crown, all decisions were made by the British and enacted by their agents in Nigeria, the Nigerian populace had no say in the decision making regarding their country.

The aftermath of the second world war left many countries dishevelled, with mass loss of lives, property and a massive blow to their economies. Many colonial powers did not have the time or funds to focus on their colonies, and so the wave of independence began. In addition to this, in Nigeria like many other African colonies, awareness concerning independence started to grow and many pushed to be set free from their colonial masters. On the 1st of October 1960, Nigeria gained her independence, as the Federation of Nigeria, irrespective of this Queen Elizabeth II remained the ceremonial head of state till 1963. After this, the colonial powers left, but traces of their presence and influence can still be found till this day; in Nigerian culture and most importantly in Nigerian political, legislative and administrative institutions.

The History of the Police and Policing in Nigeria

The police are a public institution, set up and empowered by the constitution of a state. Due to the public nature of the force, it is usually funded through taxpayer’s money, which is ironic due to how they treat taxpayers. The aim of the police force ranges from the protection of lives, property and the state, ensuring order in society, to the enforcement of laws and the prevention of crime; by law, they have the right to arrest and exercise force to effectively carry out their tasks. According to Reiner in “Crime and Control in Britain” , the need to distinguish between the “police” and “policing” is of the utmost importance. Reiner states that the “Police” describes a social institution or body, on the other hand, “policing” describes actions and processes with demarcated purposes within society. He explains that “police” can exist in various forms and may not be found in every society making them less of a necessity; while on the other hand “policing” is required to maintain public and social order.

In Pre-Colonial Africa, traditional African means of policing were attached to the community, tradition, society and religion; it was the responsibility of the society to watch over one another. The enforcement and application of rules and traditional laws were carried out within the community through various institutions and structures, examples; vocational guilds, farmers, carpenters, hunters etc; secret societies; age-grades, these were organisations or groups formally recognised by the ruler and members of the community, one had to be of a certain age or in a certain age range to belong to such a group. To add to this, the concept of being “your brother’s keeper” was a lifestyle for the locals, they would keep each other in check and safe. Through these groups, public order was kept, and violence was an unheard-of issue. These groups ensured society was safe, one could sleep without worries, the need for high fences, barbed wire, security bars and the likes in homes was unnecessary. Society ensured all its members were duly held accountable but also catered to, the main goal of communal policing was not to punish but to teach, offenders were rehabilitated and eased back into society. Very rarely were there cases of punishment, but if it did occur it was done in various ways from ostracization to corporal punishment and shaming; but this was only when society’s way of life and survival was at immediate and dire threat. Society was able to function without a formal state-sanctioned policing institution.

This changed as the British Empire expanded its reach on the continent. In the case of Nigeria and many of their other territories, the colonial officials created local and decentralised police bodies. The first of this in Nigeria was set up to police the Lagos Colony in 1861, this comes as no surprise as it was the same year the British annexed Lagos as a crown colony by forcefully and violently removing the then Oba of Lagos and any of the locals that resisted this colonisation. After this, constabularies were formed in what was the northern and southern protectorate, the officials ensured the make-up of the police force differed with the location. For example, the empire ensured police officers in the southern protectorate and Lagos colony, were different from the locals, culturally, ethnically, and linguistically. This ensured that as the officers were perpetuating the violence used to keep the locals in check and away from resistance, they had no connection to the people they were policing. Bonds could not be formed, and empathy would not be shown; this method alienated the populace and built a rift between the community and the officers. In this case, the police were not a friend, more of an oppressor and a harsh enforcer. This method differed in the northern protectorate, in this case, a system of indirect rule occurred, meaning those in control were the Hausa rulers and Emirs. With this the need to bring in new police personnel was not employed, instead, the empire fortified and bolstered the policing system already in place. The colonial police were in place to quell any resistance to the empire, by any means necessary, to prevent the locals from slowing down the empire’s agenda of expansion. These practices destroyed any aorta of civil disobedience or resistance that could have grown within these communities, leaving the public was defeated and powerless. These practices had left a stain on what would be the Nigerian Police Force.

In 1930 the police forces in the northern and southern protectorates were joined, to create the Nigerian Police Force, headed by an inspector general who at the time would have been a British colonial officer. Business continued as per usual, even after the nation’s independence. The same colonial structure was left in place and the only significant change was the regionalisation and subsequent nationalisation of the force. According to Alemika policing in modern Africa comes in two forms; “reactive policing” — policing that is in response to calls for service — and “regime protection” — this focuses solely on the protection of rulers and public servants from supposed criminal activity, which is why till today you see politicians with heavily armed members of the police force guarding them when ideally they should be working to protect the citizens of the nation. Supporting the argument that the police do not serve or are friends of the people, they answer only to the higher-ups and elites, a tradition dating back to colonialism.

As this carried on, public perception of the police force — individuals and institution had been marred. The public did not trust the police, based on lived experiences and passed down generational trauma; examples being the Aba Women’s Riots of 1929, workers strikes in the 1940s, and general violence against the community before independence, to promote colonisation. Even after independence, the police force was used to perpetuate violence and promote political agendas, by military powers during coups and other political elements; the police suppressed social movements and any form of resistance. Excluding the violent manner in which the police force had been operating, the public also did not feel the impact of the police, crime rates were high, and the police were usually tied to corruption. The Nigerian Police force is a centralised policing institution, constituted by the Nigerian federation per the 1999 constitution under section 215 (3) . This section states the powers of the police force, the composition and its administration. An Inspector General is appointed by the head of state on advice from the Nigerian police council. Police Commissioners for each state in the nation are then appointed by the Police service commission; these are the key members of the police force in the country. The constitution then set up the Police Act that states the rights and duties of the police force and its members. These duties include;

“the prevention and detection of crime, the apprehension of offenders, the preservation of law and order, the protection of life and property and the due enforcement of all laws and regulations with which they are directly charged, and shall perform such military duties within or outside Nigeria as may be required of them by, or under the authority of this or anyother Act.”

This Act also gives the right to arrest without a warrant, or without one in possession, and to search and detain supposed suspects without probable cause. What this act does not make mention of is the use of undue force and violence against the citizenry. It does not mention what is to follow if this occurs and the repercussions for such behaviour. The lack of this provision gives the leaders and public officials the leeway to make callous statements about policing — “by any means necessary”, “use lethal force”, or “defend yourselves” — during their activities, and since there are no guidelines police officers and their leaders play fast and loose with the law. These officers undertake their duties without care for human life, leading to numerous cases of brutality and violence carried out by the police on the average Nigerian’s life.

Violence and Brutality within the Police

Police brutality can be loosely defined as the use of excessive force by a law enforcement agency against an individual or a group of people. This excessive force does not only cover the physical but even psychological. Brutality has plagued the Nigerian police force since colonial times and continues to do so in present-day Nigeria. Nigerians have been betrayed by the very people tasked to protect and serve them; instead, the NPF has chosen to prey on the citizens of Nigeria, they extort members of the public and enjoy oppressing and seeing the members of the public in pain. These officers of the law are drunk on their unlimited and unchecked power, a wall has been erected between them and the Nigerian populace, and this has been done on purpose; as it is easier to oppress and hurt people that fear you. Nigerians live in constant fear of the police, the public has no confidence in this institution it has been recorded that the average Nigerian has had mainly negative experiences and encounters with the police. According to a report by the Human Rights Watch, research was conducted in 2000 by the Centre for Law Enforcement and Education (CLEEN, based in Lagos) focusing on police brutality in Nigeria and it was found that excessive force against the public was rampant and the modus operandi for the Nigerian police. The report also stated: “Of 637 respondents to a survey carried out in fourteen states, 14.8 percent said they had been beaten by the police, 22.5 percent said police had threatened to shoot them in the past, and 73.2 percent said they had witnessed the police beating another person. A sample of 197 prison inmates, revealed higher figures of police abuse; 81 percent of respondents said they had been beaten or slapped and 39 percent burnt with hot objects.” The practices of the NPF and all its subsidiaries can be aptly described as barbaric; the police force has failed at its job to protect and serve. Instead of serving the community, detecting and investigating crime, they choose to engage in the extortion, brutalisation, oppression and rape of the Nigerian populace. The force has been known to collect bribes, molest and harass innocent individuals, torture suspects to get information and in many cases kill them while they do this. The police force is known for its ill-treatment of women, from harassment and molestation to rape, an example of this being the unlawful arrest and rape of about 70 women in Abuja in 2019; their only crime, being a woman out at night. There are numerous examples of members of the NPF abusing their power, the most recent and notorious being the actions of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). Created in 1992 to combat rising criminal activity; which is not a surprise in a country like Nigeria that has low living standards, a dying economy, a non-existent job market, high corruption, and rife poverty; one would expect the crime rate to be high. SARS have been on a killing spree since their inception, with the first report of power abuse occurring not up to a year after its creation. Ayotunde Adesola was detained on suspicion of murder; the evidence was little, and no suspect was found. To close the case, they tortured and abused the aforementioned to gain a “confession”. Acts like this soon became commonplace in the unit and across the force; with no rules to regulate them the force has run amuck. The Nigerian populace has become so accustomed to these egregious violations that, armed men, police checks, harassment, and extortion are the normal place to us. It is a part of one’s daily life, the police will stop you, point a gun at you and search your car without reason and one will carry on business as usual; just a funny story to tell those receiving you at your destination (if one makes it).

In the early days of October 2020, a video of a man shot, killed and dragged through the streets by the NPF and specifically SARS, surfaced. This video sparked outrage across the country, especially amongst the youth; the target of these units. Mass protest against police brutality occurred around the nation and even online, these protests were peaceful and for the first time in a long time, Nigerians were coming together to be their brother’s keeper. In response to these protests, the Nigerian government used the police force to violently disperse the crowds, at first water cannons were used, whips, then blank bullets and finally live bullets. Countless Nigerians lost their lives to police brutality at anti-police brutality protests, the irony in that is unfathomable. These protests carried on regardless, more force and violence was used against the unarmed peaceful citizens exercising their fundamental right of protest. Finally, on the evening of the 20th of October 2020, during a sit-in protest at the Lekki Toll Gate, the Nigerian Army opened fire into an unarmed crowd. The death and causality tolls have still not been confirmed, there are speculations that about 15 to 100 people were killed or injured. This did not only occur at the Lekki Toll Gate, but it has also been reported by a risked advisory company (SMB Intelligence, Lagos), that around 46 people had been killed around the country. Videos and photographs of the massacre circulated the internet, local and international media outlets carried the news for weeks. Irrespective of this publicity the Nigerian government chose not to respond and instead gaslighted its citizens, claiming the killings never occurred and all the evidence was doctored. The Armed forces and Police force shut down businesses known to support the protests, media outlets and even unlawfully detained and arrested funders, volunteers and protesters.

The policing institutions in Nigeria chose to subjugate and oppress the Nigerian public, at their lowest moment; a moment they were demanding justice for the various atrocities committed by these institutions. Just like the colonial masters, they met resistance and necessary civil disobedience with violence and force. They have chosen to continue treating the average Nigerian life as expendable, next to nothing if anything a commodity and not a human life. It is important to note that these oppressive policing techniques have created a wall between the Nigerian populace and its policing institutions. Many now have to turn to vigilante groups and their community, for protection and safekeeping; reminiscent of the system in place pre- colonisation.

Many have argued that the legacy of colonialism has ravaged the continent of Africa; the European empires came to the continent with one view in mind, economic expansion. The colonisers did not look at the people they had harmed as living breathing bodies, with an ability to feel and a need to be treated fairly. They saw the indigenes as commodities, like they had during slavery, a means to amass wealth. The land was theirs to conquer and no entity could stand in their way, in the unfortunate situation that one did, removal by the upmost force was the call of the day. Africans were enslaved and their lands looted, the colonial master ruled with violence and dealt with a harsh hand. They did not come to better the region but to take away from it, the systems the colonisers put in place to ensure their goals were met still have not been removed, even after their departure. The practice of brutalisation and exploitation carried out by the colonial police and other colonial structures has carried on into present-day Nigerian socio-political systems. Successive leaders too see their subjects; the populace of Nigeria; as money-making schemes, commodities devoid of human rights. They fail to understand the citizens of Nigeria deserve to be treated as more than cash cows and have the fundamental rights every human being on this earth is awarded. The use of policing institutions to oppress and molest the citizens of Nigeria is a practice that should have died with the exodus of the colonial masters. Sadly, it has not and the people paying this price are the average citizens of Nigeria.

Colonialism has left an ugly scar on the continent. Many choose to ignore this as they feel colonialism is an issue of the past; but if you do not understand and learn from your past, the same mistakes and even worse will occur. This task is not only for the former colonies but also for the former empires; the goal should be understanding the history and roots ofproblems, to then be able to conquer them. As Tharoor aptly states in his 2002 article, “We will not create a better world in the twenty first century by forgetting what happened in the nineteenth and much of the twentieth century…. But in looking to understand possible future sources of conflict in the new millennium, we have to realize that sometimes the best crystal ball is a rearview mirror.”

That being said colonialism cannot be solely blamed for the mess occurring in Nigeria, our leaders need to be held accountable. They are in those positions to help and protect the people of Nigeria that voted them in. The colonial masters left, and change could have been enacted but the system in place worked well for the elites and oppressors. Until they value the lives of the Nigerian citizenry and understand harming us does no good for the nation, we will continue living as an oppressed and marginalized people.

Thomas Hobbes in the Leviathan described the life of man as “nasty, brutish and short”; this has been the reality of Nigerians since colonial times, and yet with all the technological and developmental advancements not much has changed for the average Nigerian. With a foundation so poor one cannot expect any favourable output or growth; a building with a poor foundation will eventually collapse and that is the fate of the Nigerian Police Force and the nation at wide.